In the remainder of this talk, I would like to make the case for what could be called a social-democratic alternative for Russia. In doing so, I will be relying on my own studies, which, although conducted before the war, still allow to assess the direction where political demand is evolving, and also on the studies of many colleagues – forgive me if I will not quote from them for the sake of saving time.
- I will start with what Nancy Fraser has shrewdly noticed in her opening talk: a fresh look at regional and global security is urgently needed. Although the responsibility for unleashing this brutal genocidal war is solely on Vladimir Putin who ignored even the advice of his own flunkies, the blame for the deterioration of the security arrangements he should share with the irresponsible policies of the NATO countries, too. Russians need an understanding that once this war is over, there will be no threats for Russia, no attempts to dismember or humiliate the country (which, of course, does not exclude the political responsibility for the destruction). Russian government was not able to make its population love war, despite all propaganda – there is a clear demand for peace, one that would be sealed with credible security guarantees. A left response is not to repeat “plague on both your houses”, but to craft a new security architecture, one that would overarch the current alliances. Russia should be part of these new arrangements, and mutual security should be guaranteed by the third parties, such as representatives of the Global South. Russia is objectively interested in reforming the UN security bodies and power-sharing. Developing such reforms is the task of the left, and this is the area where cooperation is indispensable.
- Russia is among global inequality leaders among the big countries: top 1% control 24% of its income and a whopping 48% of its wealth. The war only exacerbates this inequality. Until very recently, Russia was among the very few countries who had a flat tax rate. What is needed is an offer of fair taxation, one that would answer the demand for solidarity that is certainly present in Russia.
- Welfare state has been gradually dismantled in Russia, and there is a strong demand for restoring it. The situation when treatment for cancer is basically available only in two largest cities is unacceptable. But more importantly, the restoration of the welfare starts with respect to the teachers and healthcare workers. The neoliberal system that made 80% of their salaries depend on their loyalty to their bosses should be liquidated. Professionals’ motivation is trust and respect from society, and their work should be remunerated. Russia clearly has resources for that.
- There is an overwhelming request for decentralization of the country – which is not to be confused with its disintegration. Reinventing federal structures and installing local self-government will help to let people rule their own land. The level of anger and hatred towards Moscow is excruciating, and profound federalization will be met with enthusiasm.
- One particular aspect of decentralization is building horizontal infrastructure. After 25 years of oil shower, Putin presides over the country as disconnected as it was before him. Traveling between two Siberian cities often takes making a connection in Moscow. Building roads, railroads, airports is a natural way to draw large investment and unleash the creative potential.
- There is a palpable demand for more democracy in Russia – which means more self-government. It cannot be answered solely with fair elections. Empowering local councils, introducing civic engagement as part of civic education, experimenting with lotteries – these are all things that are likely to be welcomed in Russia today.
I could go on and on, of course – I haven’t even started talking about the place Russia should take in the Green transition – something it is very advantageously predisposed to do. Comrade from Feminist Anti-War Resistance has made a strong case for reproductive rights, and I would probably add that there is a wide support in Russia for cracking down on domestic violence – something that is artificially suppressed by the current government.But my point in this talk was to argue that without a clear and coherent social-democratic alternative, the change is unlikely to come. On the other hand, developing such alternative is likely to be met with enthusiasm and support.Clearly, there can be no such thing as an isolated social-democratic alternative for Russia. What I tried to argue here is that Russia is in many ways a typical, even a radical case of neoliberal capitalism. Developing an alternative for Russia is part of the job of developing a global alternative. But perhaps Russia is, paradoxically, a good place to start – it has a legacy to build on.